咖啡历史笔记高考语文 咖啡历史题对话

咖啡的由来是什么？什么时候传入的？

Though most coffee house activity involves killing time, there are patrons involved in more “serious” activities. I observed people at the coffee house involve in such consequential activities as writing books, writing wills, paying bills, tutoring college students, and collecting data for research projects. As with time killing activities, howr, the consequences of these more serious activities is interactional isolation, not third place conversation.

咖啡的由来：咖啡据说开始于11世纪初期,在的古文献上便可以看到该项记载.在那之前,地区是将咖啡生豆晒赶干了再煎煮后当胃喝的,后来得知咖啡也具有提神效果,再加上戒律严苛,禁止喝酒,徒们便用烘干后煎熬出来的汁液取代酒类成为兴奋性饮料.据说当地人懂得使用烘陪咖啡豆,已是13世纪以后的事.此种相当于咖啡前身的黑色饮料，以圣地麦加为中心,经由徒传了开来,先由传至埃及,再传至叙利亚.伊朗.土耳其等.当时的煮法是先将生豆晒,在烘干,以杵捣碎,Coffee Houses as Public Places加水熬煮后,待残渣沉淀,只饮用上层透明的部分.16世纪初,咖啡向欧洲传播开来.

咖啡历史笔记高考语文 咖啡历史题对话

咖啡历史笔记高考语文 咖啡历史题对话

从语言文字上看，《康熙字典》既无“咖”字，又无“啡”字，更无“咖啡”一词，可知清初人尚未接触到咖啡。清中叶有没有咖啡(饮料)，目前尚在搜寻当中。笔者仔细查阅了上海古籍出版社出版的《明清俗语辞书集成》中所收的几种清中叶至清末的字书、辞书及其他书，均无收获。如清乾隆年翟灏所编之《通俗篇》(有商务印书馆1958年点断版)，清...咖啡的由来：咖啡据说开始于11世纪初期,在的古文献上便可以看到该项记载.在那之前,地区是将咖啡生豆晒赶干了再煎煮后当胃喝的,后来得知咖啡也具有提神效果,再加上戒律严苛,禁止喝酒,徒们便用烘干后煎熬出来的汁液取代酒类成为兴奋性饮料.据说当地人懂得使用烘陪咖啡豆,已是13世纪以后的事.此种相当于咖啡前身的黑色饮料，以圣地麦加为中心,经由徒传了开来,先由传至埃及,再传至叙利亚.伊朗.土耳其等.当时的煮法是先将生豆晒,在烘干,以杵捣碎,加水熬煮后,待残渣沉淀,只饮用上层透明的部分.16世纪初,咖啡向欧洲传播开来.

从语言文字上看，《康熙字典》既无“咖”字，又无“啡”字，更无“咖啡”一词，可知清初人尚未接触到咖啡。清中叶有没有咖啡(饮料)，目前尚在搜寻当中。笔者仔细查阅了上海古籍出版社出版的《明清俗语辞书集成》中所收的几种清中叶至清末的字书、辞书及其他书，均无收获。如清乾隆年翟灏所编之《通俗篇》(有商务印书馆1958年点断版)，清嘉庆年顾张思之《士风录》，清嘉庆年郝懿行之《证俗文》，清道光年高敬亭之《正音撮要》等。最初Coffee的中译名肯定不统一，例如“嗑肥”等。①而且还不排除被音译成其他词汇的可能性。不过，今日汉语之正式名称“咖啡”则应化出于日语的“珈琲”。因为如前所论，先接触记下咖啡，先开办咖啡店，且把它写成“珈琲”。从1894年起日本又大举侵华……是故汉语就定其名为“咖啡”。据我所查所知，最早的“咖啡”一词大概出现于初年的《中华大字典》(中华书局，15年)，意思也对：“咖啡，西洋饮料，如我国之茶，英文

Coffee”。此后，20世纪30年代出版的《辞源》也收入了“咖啡”一词，且解释得又详细又正确。可见“咖啡”一词在时代进入了汉语词汇库并固定下来，广泛使用。

咖啡”一词源自希腊语“Kaweh”，意思是“力量与热情“。

咖啡树是属山椒科的常绿灌木，日常饮用的咖啡是用咖啡豆配合各种不同的烹煮器具制作出来的，而咖啡豆就是指咖啡树果实内之果仁，再用适当的烘焙方法烘焙而成。

古代有神农氏尝百草,并一一加以记录整理,使后人对许多植物能有系统的认识。西方世界没有神农氏这样的人，更没有留下什么有文字的记录，因此关于咖啡的起源有种种不同的传说。其中，最普遍且为大众所乐道的是牧羊人的故事。

传说有一位牧羊人，在牧羊的时候，偶然发现他的羊蹦蹦跳跳手舞足蹈，仔细一看，原来羊是吃了一种红色的果子才导致举止滑稽怪异。他试着采了一些这种红果子回去熬煮，没想到满室芳香，熬成的汁液喝下以后更是精神振奋，神清气爽，从此，这种果实就被作为一种提神醒脑的饮料，且颇受好评。

古时候的人最早把咖啡豆晒干熬煮后，把汁液当作胃来喝，认为可以有助消化。后来发现咖啡还有提神醒脑的作用，同时由于严禁饮酒，因而就用咖啡取代酒精饮料，作为提神的饮料而时常饮用。十五世纪以后，到圣地麦加朝圣的徒陆续将咖啡带回居住地，使咖啡渐渐流传到埃及、叙利亚、伊朗和土尔其等国。

咖啡进入欧陆当归因于土耳其当时的鄂图曼帝国，由于嗜饮咖啡的鄂图曼大军西征欧陆且在当地驻扎数年之久，在大军撤离时，留下了包括咖啡豆在内的大批补给品，维也纳和巴黎的人们得以凭着这些咖啡豆，和由土耳其人那里得到的烹制经验，而发展出欧洲的。

原是攻占和毁灭，却意外地带来了文化的交流乃至融合，这可是统治者们所始料未及的了。成熟於欧洲。十六世纪初，咖啡向欧洲传播开来。当时的法国国王克雷门八世曾说：“虽然是恶魔的饮料，却是美味可口。此种饮料只让独占了，殊是可惜”。因此也接受了徒也能饮用咖啡。

在英国有无数的咖啡屋，当时只有男人能进入。咖啡在绅士的社交场所颇受欢迎。男人们在此高谈阔论、文学、商业等议题，有些甚至不回家。因此1674年有许多主妇提出书要求将咖啡屋关闭。深深的影响及巴黎市民，街角的咖啡店也开始大量而生。无数的咖啡沙龙内，新的文学、哲学与艺术皆因而出现，期间诞生了无数的思想家及哲学家，如巴尔札克·卢棱等等。文化人不断齐集，并以齐聚於知识性的咖啡沙龙内高谈阔论而闻名。

在意大利浓缩咖啡ESPRESSO开始出现，引起咖啡饮用方式的变化。咖啡越来越受到大众的喜爱，因此有兴趣栽培咖啡的人，也愈来愈多。十三世纪制造商，将咖啡樱桃带各地到并栽植。十八世纪初，法国海军上将德?克鲁，在船上用自己的饮用水，灌溉桶中的咖啡幼苗，而后将之种植於法国领地马尔其尼克岛。

不久之后，咖啡广为流传到中南美洲，咖啡的栽植也扩大到世Coffee houses also provide s such as chess and backgammon as time killing tools. Third place s, according to Oldenburg, are s which “move along in lively fashion” (p. 30) and allow for vociferous involvement among players and spectators – Oldenburg gives Gin Rummy and the French Boules as examples of third place s. The overwhelming forite of coffee house patrons is Chess; it isn’t uncommon to see two or three chess matches going on at one time in the coffee house. Chess is not a like Gin Rummy where lively conversation is the rule. Instead, chess involves intense concentration among players and spectators alike; interactional privacy is afforded chess players so they can make the best sible moves.界各地。

人开始品尝饮用咖啡始于同治年间。同治五年(1866)上海的美国传教士高丕第夫人出版了一本《造洋饭书》，该书是为来华的外国人吃西餐和培训炊事员、厨师而编写的。书中除了把coffee音译成“磕肥”之外，还讲授了制作、烧煮咖啡的方法：“猛火烘磕肥，勤铲动，勿令其焦黑。烘好，乘热加奶油一点，装于有盖之瓶内盖好，要用时，现轧”。③这里先讲了焙炒熟咖啡豆，待要煮饮料时，才轧碎马上煮。后面则讲如何加水煮咖啡等。但它没讲加糖，可能有疏漏。那些受外国人培训做西餐煮咖啡的人多半是受雇佣的人，他们因工作需要难免不尝一口咖啡。洋人在吃西餐喝咖啡时，有时也会请官员和他们的熟人吃一吃喝一喝。由此可知，同治年间已有人尝过咖啡。出现经营性的咖啡馆则大概在清末。据清末民初之人徐珂叙述：“饮咖啡：有咖啡店，略似我国之茶馆。天津上海亦有之，华人所仿设者也。兼售糖果以佐饮”。徐珂的书采取了许多清人笔记，可推断所谈之事出现在清末。但此书出版稍晚于《中华大字典》，故难判明“咖啡”一词哪本书使用。不过印成铅字的则是《中华大字典》。可见到了，咖啡馆或大饭店酒店宾馆所附的咖啡厅在各大城市普遍出现。

咖啡的起源和历史是什么？

拿铁是最为国人熟悉的意式咖啡品项.它是在沉厚浓郁的ESPRESSO中,加进等比例,甚至更多牛奶的花式咖啡.有了牛奶的温润调味,让原本甘苦的咖啡变得柔滑香甜\甘美浓郁,就连不习惯喝咖啡的人,也难敌拿铁芳美的滋味.和卡布奇诺一样,拿铁因为含有多量的牛奶而适合在早晨饮用.意大利人也喜欢拿它来暖胃,搭配早餐用.很多人搞不清楚拿铁,欧蕾之间的关系,其实拿铁是意大利式的年奶咖啡,以机器蒸汽的方式来蒸热牛奶,而欧蕾则是法式咖啡,他们用火将牛奶煮热,口感都是一泒的温润滑美.

大多数人不知道的是，咖啡原产自埃塞俄比亚，本来是奥斯曼帝国从埃及到半岛到土耳其流行的饮料，埃塞的咖啡运到半岛要先到也门一个叫摩卡的港口城市转运，摩卡的称谓由此而来。咖啡成为世界性饮料并和文化深度绑定，则是欧洲人五百多年殖民史的结果。

战后，德国经济迅速恢复，同时也迅速恢复其在咖啡贸易中的地位。

按说咖啡只是给人多一种饮料选择，无可厚非，但是咖啡在确实带有一定的文化侵略甚至意识形态进攻色彩。原因大概是红色年代破坏了之前大部分地区城乡的茶馆文化，而在之前的二十年里茶的形象两极分化，要么是工人农民教师群穷干部老男人的穷讲究，要么是官商学勾勾搭搭的中介物，茶馆也成了混中老年人谈事的地方，大城市70后、小地方80后往后的年轻人对这种茶文化大多数是无感甚至隐约反感的。

Third places provide a place to interact outside the boundaries of first and second places that foster a sense of community among members. Informal participation in third places gives regulars an opportunity to be public; an opportunity that connects the lives of members with each other. In confining activities to home, a compley private place, and work, a compley and explicitly productive place, people lose their sense of belonging to a community – this is the case, argues Oldenburg, in modern society.

在这种文化光环照耀下，咖啡店的生意当然好，成了星巴克市场不说，人自己还做出了瑞幸。十几年前我上大学时大多数大学生还并没有喝咖啡的习惯（虽然已经有少数人买雀巢速溶咖啡提神），现在好像点个冰美式什么的已经成了大中小城市无数年轻人的日常。

以下选项中,哪些是历史上咖啡的名称

卡布奇诺、拿铁、凯旋咖啡、皇家咖啡、玛莎克兰咖啡、法兰西咖啡、焦糖码Coffee houses also provide s such as chess and backgammon as time killing tools. Third place s, according to Oldenburg, are s which “move along in lively fashion” (p. 30) and allow for vociferous involvement among players and spectators – Oldenburg gives Gin Rummy and the French Boules as examples of third place s. The overwhelming forite of coffee house patrons is Chess; it isn’t uncommon to see two or three chess matches going on at one time in the coffee house. Chess is not a like Gin Rummy where lively conversation is the rule. Instead, chess involves intense concentration among players and spectators alike; interactional privacy is afforded chess players so they can make the best sible moves.琪哈朵咖咖啡则长期由于各种影音产品的成为年轻、时尚、浪漫、富足、现代、开放的象征。多少小城市或者乡镇农村出身的年轻人进到大城市求学或打工，次喝到咖啡馆的咖啡时都会有一种莫名的成就感，虽然咖啡的味道大多数人一开始并不会喜欢。这种把咖啡和现代化挂钩的心态在整个东亚从日韩到港台到越南都很普遍，尤其韩国和对开咖啡馆和面包房的热爱就像韩国的徒一样远比更激进。啡、柠檬皇家热咖啡、女王咖啡、蛋黄营养热咖啡、卡鲁娃咖啡、白朗姆火焰、美丽与哀愁、红酒卡布奇诺、蓝山、曼特宁、摩卡等。

历史上咖啡有关咖啡起源的传说各式各样，不过大多因为其荒诞离奇而被人们淡忘了。但是，人们不会忘记，非洲是咖啡的故乡。咖啡树很可能就是在埃塞俄比亚的卡发省（KAFFA）被发现的。后来，一批批的奴隶从非洲被贩卖到也门和半岛，咖啡也就被带到了沿途的各地。可以肯定，也门在15世纪或是更早既已开始种植咖啡了。虽然有着当时世界上最繁华的港口城市摩卡，但却禁止任何种子出口！这道障碍最终被荷兰人突破了，1616年，他们终于将成活的咖啡树和种子偷运到了荷兰，开始在温室中培植的名称

世界上的咖啡有摩卡咖啡、古巴水晶山咖啡、蓝山咖啡、猫屎咖啡、和哥伦比亚咖啡等咖啡。

关于咖啡的小知识

1993

书店就有，应该是放在生活类的地方，网上也有，当当网好象打折。

咖啡摩卡 由浓咖啡，巧克力酱，牛奶，鲜奶油制作而成。

拿铁咖啡 由浓咖啡，牛奶，奶泡，制作而成。

卡布奇诺 由浓咖上千年的茶文化和几百年的泡茶习俗迄今还是没找到和青年文化结合的很好接口，反而倒是人做大的奶茶产业扳回一局，现在网红奶茶店也有不少，企业规模还是无法和瑞幸和星巴克比，看看以后会不会有什么转机吧，也希望几百年的泡茶文化能得到商业发展的新生。啡，牛奶，奶泡，制作而成。

拿铁咖啡和卡布奇诺的不同之处是 拿铁咖啡里的牛奶多一些，奶泡少一些。

而卡布奇欧蕾咖啡的做法也很简单，就是把一杯意大利浓缩咖啡和一大杯热热的牛奶同时倒入一个大杯子，在液体表面放两勺打成泡沫的奶油。诺咖啡则是咖啡，牛奶，奶泡各3份之1.

想问一下咖啡中的拿铁历史的由来？

The interior of a typical coffee house is made up of numerous all tables occupied by individuals, couples, or groups of nor more than three or four people. There is very little conversation between tables, and the general rule is for conversations among groups to be kept at a ll which does not bother other costumers.

拿铁咖啡是意大利浓缩咖啡与牛奶的经典混合，意大利人也很喜欢把拿铁作为早餐的饮料。意大利人早晨的厨房里，照得到阳光的炉子上通常会同时煮着咖啡和牛奶。喝拿铁的意大利人，与其说他们喜欢意大利浓缩咖啡，不如说他们喜欢牛奶，也只有espresso才能给普普通通的牛奶带来让人难以忘怀的味道。

《咖啡的历史》是2007年哈尔滨出版社出版的图书，作者是郑万春 。该书讲述了在咖啡的香味里，翻阅人世流动的风暴和形形的兴趣，喝咖啡，是一次想象翻山越岭的旅行，因为我们在咖啡里，找到了心灵飞翔的方式。 有人说咖啡是一种精神。

意大利式拿铁咖啡(Caffe Latte)需要一小杯Espresso和一杯牛奶(150～200毫升)，拿铁咖啡中牛奶多而咖啡少，这与Cappuccino有很大不同。拿铁咖啡做法极其简单，就是在刚刚做好的意大利浓缩咖啡中倒入接近沸腾的牛奶。事实上，加入多少牛奶没有一定之规，可依个人口味自由调配。

Though most coffee house activity involves killing time, there are patrons involved in more “serious” activities. I observed people at the coffee house involve in such consequential activities as writing books, writing wills, paying bills, tutoring college students, and collecting data for research projects. As with time killing activities, howr, the consequences of these more serious activities is interactional isolation, not third place conversation.

如果在热牛奶上再加上一些打成泡沫的冷牛奶，就成了一杯美式拿铁咖啡。星巴克的美式拿铁就是用这种方法制成的，底部是意大利浓缩咖啡，中间是加热到65～75℃的牛奶，是一层不超过半厘米的冷的牛奶泡沫。

如果不放热牛奶，而直接在意大利浓缩咖啡上装饰两大勺牛奶泡沫，就成了被意大利人叫做Espresso Macchiato的玛奇哈朵咖啡。

欧蕾咖啡(Café Au Lait)

欧蕾咖啡可以被看成是欧式的拿铁咖啡，与美式拿铁和F拿铁都不太相同。

欧蕾咖啡区别于美式拿铁和意式拿铁的特点就是它要求牛奶和浓缩咖啡一同注入杯中，牛奶和咖啡在时间相遇，碰撞出的是一种闲适自由的心情。

有趣的是，比较所有的咖啡杯，可能法国人用来盛欧蕾咖啡的杯子是号的。

作法:使用器具与材料.

牛奶适量(咖啡\鲜奶的比例为:1:1)

1.以热水浸泡杯子(温杯),使其温度上升后,再倒掉多余的水分使用.

2.将深烘焙的咖啡豆研磨后,将咖啡粉倒进填压器内,用压棒将咖啡粉压平,再将填压器扣住意式咖啡机萃取口,萃取出ESPRESSO(咖啡\鲜奶的比例为1:1).

3.取适量牛奶,将其置於意式浓缩咖啡机的蒸汽喷嘴下,使其蒸成热牛奶.

4.将蒸热的牛奶倒进杯中.

5.将杯子上下摇晃,使奶泡上升

6.将ESPRESSO缓缓地倒进杯中即可.

咖啡的历史的介绍

Modern U.S. so深烘焙的咖啡豆适量.ciety, writes Oldenburg, lacks places where people can simply “hang-out.” In fact, to hanSociologists he long discusses the impact of industrialization and ization upon peoples’ ability to construct a sense of belonging and shared identity with others in their lives; individual anomie and alienation he taken the place of organic community (Hewitt 19) and mechanical solidarity. There seems to be agreement that a defining characteristic of modern life is the lack of, and corresponding search for, community.g-out with nothing in particular to do is looked upon negatively; those who are not at home or work are seen as up to no good. What U.S. society lacks, argues Oldenburg, is an acceptable intersection between first and second place where rmal public interaction can occur – U.S. society lacks “third places.”

德国咖啡的历史

Mods

1721年，德国最早的咖啡馆诞生于柏林。

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咖啡馆在德国刚刚开始盛行就受到了当地 当局的诸多限制。

所以跟其它相比，德国咖啡的发展比较单一。

直到19世纪初期，咖啡才成为德国人掌握的赚钱工具之一。

19世纪中期，拉丁美洲和中美洲大力发展的咖啡种植业受到废奴运动的影响，于是咖啡园业主把进口奴隶改为向欧洲招募咖啡农，许多德国就此踏上了巴西、危地马拉的土地。

危地马拉 为了吸引，1877年通过协助德国区的土地法律，并给予十年所得税减免、六年生产设备关税减免的优惠。

在此种一边倒的政策扶植下，到19世纪末，德国人在危地马拉拥有19%的咖啡田，总产量占该国的40%。

靠种植业发财致富的德国人还招来了他们的同乡，投资咖啡产地，铺设运送咖啡豆的。

同一时期，德国的咖啡商人也趁机做大，垄断经销拉丁美洲的咖啡豆。

至少有80%的危地马拉咖啡豆经德国商人之手运往欧洲各地。

只是两次世界大战，让他们经历了和欧洲人一样的咖啡梦魇——由于离产地遥远，所以一旦开战，海上运输被封锁，欧洲人就闹咖啡饥荒。

次世界大战中美国于17年正式宣布对德作战，巴西 因美国同意采购100万袋咖啡豆作为军粮，也对德国宣战，逮捕一批定居巴西的德国人。

与此同时，美国通过法案，没收德国人在美的财产咖啡传入时间：我国咖啡最早是于1884年引种于的，1908年华侨自马来西亚带回大粒种、中粒种种在海南岛，目前，主要栽培区分布在云南、广西、广东和海南。。

18年，危地马拉也通过类似的法案。

德国在拉丁美洲的咖啡也遭到重创，而美国人趁机介入。

德国人在次世界大战中，在咖啡上的失利，全部在第二次世界大战初期找补回来。

1939年闪电袭击波兰，欧洲每年1000万袋的咖啡生意停顿。

1940年横扫全欧洲，关闭所有港口，整个欧洲（除了德国）都处于咖啡饥荒中。

但二战后期巴西、危地马拉相继对德宣战，同时美国人也不断采取手段将在拉丁美洲的德国人的财产充公。

如今，德国是世界第二大咖啡消费国，消费数量仅次于美国。

而从人均消耗量上看，则远远高于美国。

【高分悬赏】寻求资料：古今中外关于描写咖啡馆或者茶馆的文学作品，是英文。

To gather data for this I spent approximay sixty hours as a “formal” participant-observer at two coffee houses in sub Chicago. I spent a significantly larger amount of hours as an “rmal” participant-observer at a number of other coffee houses throughout the area. As a formal participant-observer I sat in the coffee house, and pencil in hand, taking notes on the happenings around me. These notes ranged from the most micro-details of individual behior (i.e. the scratching of one’s head or the ition of one’s cigarette) to a general demographic survey of the patrons. As an rmal participant-observer I attended the coffee house alone or with friends, leing my note pad at home. Although I did not take notes during rmal visits, I did keep an eye open for behiors and symbols both old (as confirmation of already discovered processes) and new (those not yet discovered).

“Coffee House Cotillion: The Construction of Private Space in a Public Place”

法国人是欧蕾咖啡最热情的拥护者，你在法国入的早餐桌上会看到肚子圆圆的欧蕾杯，里面盛的是他们一天好心情的源泉。

Coffee houses he a standing pattern of behior characterized by the existence of private space. Patrons negotiate the construction of private space through involvement in one or both of two processes. The “process of not bothering” and the “process of engagement” prnt routine, ryday encounters at the coffee house from becoming too intimate; interactions remain at a “stranger” ll.

No interactional order, howr, is immune to interference by way of “inappropriate” behiors. I examine four incidents where the processes of not bothering and engagement, and the private space they maintain, are disrupted in the coffee house: intentional and momentary, intentional and prolonged, coincidental, and accidental. In the nt of disruption patrons are faced with the perception that “soming unusual is happening (Emerson 1970) and must act to bring the situation back to normal.

Community and Public Life

Sociologists he long discusses the impact of industrialization and ization upon peoples’ ability to construct a sense of belonging and shared identity with others in their lives; individual anomie 失范and alienation he taken the place of organic community (Hewitt 19) and mechanical solidarity. There seems to be agreement that a defining characteristic of modern life is the lack of, and corresponding search for, community.

Coffee houses fill a niche in modern society as a public place where people are “uniquely accessible, ailable, and subject to one another” (Goffman 1963, p. 22). Regular attendance and theHistorically, third places are the pubs and coffee houses of European cities where individuals go and “on any given visit some of the gang will be there” (p. 32). Talk is plentiful and good here, and takes place on neutral ground where people “do not get uncomfortably tangled in one another’s lives.” (p. 22). Furthermore, third places are “llers” open to all and emphasize “qualities not confined to status distinctions current in the society” (p. 24). construction of private space in a coffee house establishes a community of strangers where only the more general characteristics of other regulars’ identities are known (Simmel 1971).

Third Places

Oldenburg argues that the core of people’s activity occurs in two “places.” The “first place” is the home; people’s private family life occurs here. The “second place” is work; this place “reduces the individual to a single, productive role” (p. 16).

The type of coffee houses I’m describing are like third places in that membership simply requires routine attendance. Coffee houses differ from third places, howr, because patrons do not go expecting to meet with other regulars for pures of rmal conversation. Instead, patrons go to the coffee house and construct private spaces in the midst of strangers who he constructed private spaces of their own. Coffee houses are public places for private activities.

Many activies occurring at the coffee house he the quality of “time killing.” Killed time is inconsequential time that does not impinge upon the more “serious” aspects of one’s life (Goffman, 1963; Can 1966). Reading, playing, and idle conversation within one’s own private space are common time killing activities in the coffee house. Though inconsequential, these activities do not resemble the rmal interactions of third places. Time killing activities pursued by coffee house patrons are kept within the boundaries of constructed private space and do not unnecessarily involve other patrons.

The coffee house is furnished with a multitude of “tools” that offer soming to do for individuals with time to kill. The most common tools are reading materials such as magazines, newss, and used books. These s are strewn throughout the coffee house and are readily accessible to all patrons. It is also common for patrons to bring along their own books and magazines as time killing tools.

Like third places, patro at the coffee hose is regular and one often recognizes other regulars. But regulars here rarely do more than make eye contact and nod to one another. Regularity of patro at the coffee house does not lead to lasting third place interactions. One the contrary, as my makes clear, the overwhelming interactional activity taking place at the coffee house revolves around how not to become friendly with other regulars.

“Coffee House Cotillion: The Construction of Private Space in a Public Place”

Coffee houses he a standing pattern of behior characterized by the existence of private space. Patrons negotiate the construction of private space through involvement in one or both of two processes. The “process of not bothering” and the “process of engagement” prnt routine, ryday encounters at the coffee house from becoming too intimate; interactions remain at a “stranger” ll.

No interactional order, howr, is immune to interference by way of “inappropriate” behiors. I examine four incidents where the processes of not bothering and engagement, and the private space they maintain, are disrupted in the coffee house: intentional and momentary, intentional and prolonged, coincidental, and accidental. In the nt of disruption patrons are faced with the perception that “soming unusual is happening (Emerson 1970) and must act to bring the situation back to normal.

Community and Public Life

Coffee houses fill a niche in modern society as a public place where people are “uniquely accessible, ailable, and subject to one another” (Goffman 1963, p. 22). Regular attendance and the construction of private space in a coffee house establishes a community of strangers where only the more general characteristics of other regulars’ identities are known (Simmel 1971).

Third Places

Oldenburg argues that the core of people’s activity occurs in two “places.” The “first place” is the home; people’s private family life occurs here. The “second place” is work; this place “reduces the individual to a single, productive role” (p. 16).

The type of coffee houses I’m describing are like third places in that membership simply requires routine attendance. Coffee houses differ from third places, howr, because patrons do not go expecting to meet with other regulars for pures of rmal conversation. Instead, patrons go to the coffee house and construct private spaces in the midst of strangers who he constructed private spaces of their own. Coffee houses are public places for private activities.

Many activies occurring at the coffee house he the quality of “time killing.” Killed time is inconsequential time that does not impinge upon the more “serious” aspects of one’s life (Goffman, 1963; Can 1966). Reading, playing, and idle conversation within one’s own private space are common time killing activities in the coffee house. Though inconsequential, these activities do not resemble the rmal interactions of third places. Time killing activities pursued by coffee house patrons are kept within the boundaries of constructed private space and do not unnecessarily involve other patrons.

The coffee house is furnished with a multitude of “tools” that offer soming to do for individuals with time to kill. The most common tools are reading materials such as magazines, newss, and used books. These s are strewn throughout the coffee house and are readily accessible to all patrons. It is also common for patrons to bring along their own books and magazines as time killing tools.

Like third places, patro at the coffee hose is regular and one often recognizes other regulars. But regulars here rarely do more than make eye contact and nod to one another. Regularity of patro at the coffee house does not lead to lasting third place interactions. One the contrary, as my makes clear, the overwhelming interactional activity taking place at the coffee house revolves around how not to become friendly with other regulars.

Thus, like third places, coffee houses are places where people can interact away from the intimacy of home and productivity of work. Unlike third places, coffee houses are places which foster privacy. People do not go to the coffee house, as they do a third place, to engage in lively conversation with regular others. The regulars at the coffee house remain strangers; one is comfortable in seeing the same regulars on a daily basis, but does not want them as friends.

This said, this is a study of the processes by which people construct the private spaces which proliferate in a specific type of modern public place -- the coffee house.

The two coffee houses I observed had the same owners and the same name. The first was located on the corner of a mildly busy street intersection. Because of its location near a mid-size university, a student age population made a strong showing here at all times of the day. In the morning, because of its location across the street from a public transportation station, al line ran to the door of patrons buying coffee “to go;” the coffee house was just a stop on their way to work. On weekend and Summer nings the coffee house became overrun by high school students who quite literally took the place over. They pushed tables toger moved freely from table to table and clique to clique; talked and yelled so that all could hear; and ran through the rooms with seeming disregard for patrons who were not members of the high school crowd.

The overall age comition of the second coffee house was older than that of the firt the cliene fit generally into what many would call “yuppies” or “thirtysomings.” This was due to the second’s location in a more residential area of the city, further away from the university and high school. On weekday mornings and afternoons mothers with infants gathered and were the main costumers. This coffee house was also very near public

咖啡历史起源发展文化

The process of not bothering is characterized by individual actors, Singles, who are by themselves at the coffee house. The process of engagement involves multiple actors, Withs , who are toger at the coffee house. Patrons involved in one or both of these processes are signaling Modern day coffee houses are similar to what Ray Oldenburg, in The Great Good Place (1989), describes as “third places” where regulars gather for the pure of rmal interaction. Yet the fact that interactions remain at a “stranger” ll makes coffee houses importantly and rmatively distinct from third places in the formation of community.to others a desire to be alone.

咖啡与可可、茶同为流行于世界的三大主要饮品之一，是用经过烘焙的咖啡豆制作出来的饮料，咖啡一词来源于拉丁文中的生物属类名coffea,这个属类是茜草科植物类的一员，咖啡品种多样，其中多数都是热带树木和灌木。 一般认为，非洲是咖啡的故乡，公元六世纪埃塞俄比亚有一个叫加尔弟的牧羊人发现了咖啡。威尼斯商人于1615年首次将咖啡带入了欧洲。咖啡首次在美洲种植是十八世纪二十年代，到了1925年，种植咖啡已成为中美洲和南美洲的传统。到现在，喝咖啡已经成为部分现代人的生活习惯。

Modern day coffee houses are similar to what Ray Oldenburg, in The Great Good Place (1989), describes as “third places” where regulars gather for the pure of rmal interaction. Yet the fact that interactions remain at a “stranger” ll makes coffee houses importantly and rmatively distinct from third places in the formation of community.